I am not persuaded that Trump as president spells disaster for the economy, as his critics would like us to believe.
The betting now is that the extreme proposals on protectionism and regulation won't happen. The tax cuts and spending on infrastructure will happen. I also think that most commentators have not given enough importance to the significance of his intention to revive detente with Russia. We've had a revival of the Cold War in recent years and it's been threatening to get hot of late with the Americans siding the rebels in Syria and NATO's big push towards Russian borders. The peace dividend of a foreign policy could be very considerable and is something to look forward to.
Now, why would liberal commentators want to overlook something as significant as that?
My piece in today's BS on the subject:
The betting now is that the extreme proposals on protectionism and regulation won't happen. The tax cuts and spending on infrastructure will happen. I also think that most commentators have not given enough importance to the significance of his intention to revive detente with Russia. We've had a revival of the Cold War in recent years and it's been threatening to get hot of late with the Americans siding the rebels in Syria and NATO's big push towards Russian borders. The peace dividend of a foreign policy could be very considerable and is something to look forward to.
Now, why would liberal commentators want to overlook something as significant as that?
My piece in today's BS on the subject:
Trump and tragedy? Not quite
In early
November, a group of 370 economists, including eight Nobel Laureates, signed a
letter that called Mr Trump a “dangerous, destructive choice for the country”. As
the stock markets plunged ahead of Donald Trump’s victory in the US presidential
polls, Paul Krugman wrote, “If the question is when markets will recover, a
first-pass answer is never….we are very probably looking at a global recession,
with no end in sight.”
Mr Krugman
has already been proved wrong in respect of his first forecast. Following Mr Trump’s
victory, the Dow Jones Industrial Average recorded its best weekly performance
since 2011 and the S&P 500 its best since 2013. Mr Krugman– and many others in the economics fraternity-
could be proved wrong on his second forecast as well. The pundits, who failed
to grasp the scale of Mr Trump’s electoral appeal, may turn out to have been
prejudiced in respect of his economic agenda too.
Mr Trump’s
economic agenda is a mixed bag. His detractors have focused resolutely on his
anti-globalisation stance while ignoring significant positives. The potentially
biggest positive is not even part of his economic agenda. It arises from his
resolve to rewrite US foreign policy: a reduction in geo-political risks and
its economic benefits if he is able to follow through on his proposed
rapprochement with Russia.
Mr Trump’s campaign
promise to change the rules on trade and immigration is a legitimate cause for
worry. He has threatened to withdraw from trade agreements and to scrap ones
under discussion. He has said that he will raise tariffs steeply on Chinese and
Mexican imports. He wants to impose tariffs on American companies that relocate
jobs overseas. He has also said that he will deport illegal immigrants and
clamp down on H1-B visas.
Mr Trump
cannot be expected to backtrack entirely on these promises- he has to meet the
expectations of his core constituency. But his campaign rhetoric need not
translate fully into action. American presidents don’t have a free hand on
trade matters, they need to work closely with Congress. The general reckoning
now is that pragmatism will prevail.
Tariffs on
Chinese imports may be raised, for instance, but not to 45 per cent, as
threatened. Some increases may be introduced as anti-dumping duties. Warren
Buffett thinks higher tariffs are a bad idea but “I’m not going to say it will
cause a recession”.
Another big
area of concern is the promised rollback of regulation. Mr Trump thinks that
the thicket of regulations created in recent years is killing American
business. He has said that he will
dismantle the Dodd-Frank Act, enacted after the financial crisis. It’s one
thing to substitute Dodd- Frank with simpler and more effective regulations as
serious economists have urged. It’s quite another not to regulate the financial
sector at all- that’s sure to bring on another financial crisis.
Turn now to
the positives in Mr Trump’s agenda. Mr Trump plans to cut both personal and
business taxes and steeply increase infrastructure spending. These would amount
to the most ambitious fiscal expansion in the US in years.
And fiscal expansion
is just what the doctors – Larry Summers, Paul Krugman, the IMF, the Economist and several others- have
ordered. They have all argued that monetary policy can only take us thus far. Low
and negative interest rates have failed to deliver growth even as they have
increased the risk of financial instability. Fiscal policy will come into its
own will happen with a vengeance with Trump as president.
Increased
government spending and tax cuts together are inflationary. That would give the
Fed the opportunity to raise interest rates- just what it’s been looking to do.
Higher rates will position the Fed to respond to a future recession with a cut
in rates rather than through unconventional policies such as Quantitative
Easing. QE was intended strictly as a response to the extraordinary financial
crisis of 2007, it wasn’t meant to last this long.
Many will carp
about the increase in government debt on account of fiscal expansion. But we do
know that there’s no better way to lower the debt to GDP ratio than to have
strong growth. Mr Trump is a seasoned businessman. He thinks a cut in corporate
tax rates will induce US businesses, who have stashed away trillions abroad, to
bring these home. He intends to charge a one-time 10 per cent repatriation fee
on profits that are brought back.
It’s Mr
Trump’s approach to foreign policy that promises some of the biggest rewards
for the world economy. Mr Trump is, perhaps, the first American president since World War II to view Russia as a partner rather than an adversary. He has
questioned the need for NATO. He has promised to work closely with Putin in
dealing with ISIS in Syria.
Such a
radical change in US foreign policy would be excellent news for the world
economy. Not only has the Cold War been revived in recent years, there’s the
spectre of a conflagration in the Middle East and elsewhere with all its
implications for the world economy. American and European sanctions have hurt
Russia and Russian counter-sanctions have hurt the EU. Economic growth remains
weak years after the financial crisis. A heightening of geo-political risks is
the last thing we need at the moment.
Mr Trump’s critics
lament the possible demise of the liberal economic order. They seem strangely
unconcerned about the steady erosion of the international political order that
has underwritten global growth and prosperity since World War II. If they see
any merit at all in Mr Trump’s proposed reset of foreign policy, they are not
showing it.
Protectionism
and a rollback of regulation. Looser fiscal policy and tighter monetary
policy. Defusion of tensions with a
Russia and a lowering of geo-political risks. Mr Trump’s agenda might be more
attractive but it falls well short of being a disaster. At least he can’t be
faulted for not trying something different where the existing policies have
disappointed.
(T T Ram
Mohan is a professor at IIM Ahmedabad.
ttr@iima.ac.in)
3 comments:
With economy near full employment, will fiscal policy help? Also an isolationist US leading to reduced conflict is not given, it may backfire.
Well, full employment has happened at a reduced labour participation rate. Large nos of employable people are simply not there in the market. A revival in the economy could get them in.
TTR
Not So Easy. Skill and geo mismatch Could Be The Reason For This unemployment. Not Easily Solved By Fiscal Expansion.
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