Wednesday, March 22, 2017

New perspective on the Great Calcutta killings of 1946

Calcutta (as the city was then called) descended into an orgy of what has been perceived as communal riots in 1946. The killings were seen as an important factor that made Partition inevitable- it seemed to suggest that Hindus and Muslims would find it difficult to live together in one country.

It was fascinating, therefore, to get a quite different perspective on the killings in a book on the subject reviewed recently in EPW. The author contests the idea that the killings were primarily communal in nature. Rather, he's inclined to give more weight to the famine of 1943 inflicted - that's the right word, as it was entirely avoidable in terms of the supply of and demand for foodgrains- on the city by the British.

The author of the book, the reviewer points out, is of the view that the scorched earth policy pursued by the British following the threatened invasion of Bengal by Japan in World War II was by far the more important factor in fuelling the rights. The British emptied the rural areas of foodgrain stocks to prevent these from falling into Japanese hands. They also destroyed transportation by boats by impounding the boats, again to prevent these from falling into Japanese hands. Both these resulted in an artificial scarcity of foodgrains in the countryside. ( I have read elsewhere that inflated estimates of food output caused the British to export large amounts to support the war in other parts of the world).

Calcutta was treated differently because it was the epicentre of the war effort in the region. Workers had to be fed in order to maintain production for the war, so ration shops were set up to ensure availability of food. The two factors together- scarcity of food in the countryside and relative abundance in Calcutta- caused people to flock to Calcutta putting enormous pressure on those staying in the city for long. It was the battle for territory between those resident in Calcutta for long and the migrants that primarily resulted in riots, the author contends, the riots were not communal in origin.


This communal single-mindedness that Das speaks of in the Great Calcutta Killings, Mukherjee shows, is simply not borne out by the historical record. Instead, the violence was chaotic and driven by a range of factors. First, the fact that British targets came under attack in the bedlam has fallen through the cracks in this rush to prise a communal angle from the violence. On Chowringhee, the Main Street of White Calcutta, several European shops and business were plundered, as was an Enfield motorcycle showroom on Park Street. The Statesman House, which housed the main newspaper of White Calcutta, also came under attack but was saved by prompt police action. In Dharamtolla, a Bata showroom, a Czech company, was similarly saved from the mob by the police.

Does widespread looting—of European and Indian targets—fit the mould of the crowds having a sense of “moral duty”? Again, here the looting has been explained in terms of Hindus looting Muslim shops and vice versa—a theory little backed up by data. In the chaos, very little of who attacked whom was actually recorded. Driven by a concurrent cloth famine, cloth merchants were targeted. And of course, the authorities were wary of food stocks being ransacked, so the civil supplies department was heavily guarded. Given this data, Das’ dismissal of the riot having an economic component falls under heavy strain.

This indeed casts new light not just on the Great Killings but on the Partition that followed. The author also suggests that Bengal PM Suhrawardy has been unfairly maligned. Britian's role in bringing about the Partition of India is far greater than one had thought.

This communal single-mindedness that Das speaks of in the Great Calcutta Killings, Mukherjee shows, is simply not borne out by the historical record. Instead, the violence was chaotic and driven by a range of factors. First, the fact that British targets came under attack in the bedlam has fallen through the cracks in this rush to prise a communal angle from the violence. On Chowringhee, the Main Street of White Calcutta, several European shops and business were plundered, as was an Enfield motorcycle showroom on Park Street. The Statesman House, which housed the main newspaper of White Calcutta, also came under attack but was saved by prompt police action. In Dharamtolla, a Bata showroom, a Czech company, was similarly saved from the mob by the police.
Does widespread looting—of European and Indian targets—fit the mould of the crowds having a sense of “moral duty”? Again, here the looting has been explained in terms of Hindus looting Muslim shops and vice versa—a theory little backed up by data. In the chaos, very little of who attacked whom was actually recorded. Driven by a concurrent cloth famine, cloth merchants were targeted. And of course, the authorities were wary of food stocks being ransacked, so the civil supplies department was heavily guarded. Given this data, Das’ dismissal of the riot having an economic component falls under heavy strain.
- See more at: http://www.epw.in/journal/2017/8/book-reviews/revisiting-our-narratives-great-calcutta-killings.html#sthash.1VAOCo0Y.dpuf

This communal single-mindedness that Das speaks of in the Great Calcutta Killings, Mukherjee shows, is simply not borne out by the historical record. Instead, the violence was chaotic and driven by a range of factors. First, the fact that British targets came under attack in the bedlam has fallen through the cracks in this rush to prise a communal angle from the violence. On Chowringhee, the Main Street of White Calcutta, several European shops and business were plundered, as was an Enfield motorcycle showroom on Park Street. The Statesman House, which housed the main newspaper of White Calcutta, also came under attack but was saved by prompt police action. In Dharamtolla, a Bata showroom, a Czech company, was similarly saved from the mob by the police.
Does widespread looting—of European and Indian targets—fit the mould of the crowds having a sense of “moral duty”? Again, here the looting has been explained in terms of Hindus looting Muslim shops and vice versa—a theory little backed up by data. In the chaos, very little of who attacked whom was actually recorded. Driven by a concurrent cloth famine, cloth merchants were targeted. And of course, the authorities were wary of food stocks being ransacked, so the civil supplies department was heavily guarded. Given this data, Das’ dismissal of the riot having an economic component falls under heavy strain.
- See more at: http://www.epw.in/journal/2017/8/book-reviews/revisiting-our-narratives-great-calcutta-killings.html#sthash.1VAOCo0Y.dpuf

This communal single-mindedness that Das speaks of in the Great Calcutta Killings, Mukherjee shows, is simply not borne out by the historical record. Instead, the violence was chaotic and driven by a range of factors. First, the fact that British targets came under attack in the bedlam has fallen through the cracks in this rush to prise a communal angle from the violence. On Chowringhee, the Main Street of White Calcutta, several European shops and business were plundered, as was an Enfield motorcycle showroom on Park Street. The Statesman House, which housed the main newspaper of White Calcutta, also came under attack but was saved by prompt police action. In Dharamtolla, a Bata showroom, a Czech company, was similarly saved from the mob by the police.
Does widespread looting—of European and Indian targets—fit the mould of the crowds having a sense of “moral duty”? Again, here the looting has been explained in terms of Hindus looting Muslim shops and vice versa—a theory little backed up by data. In the chaos, very little of who attacked whom was actually recorded. Driven by a concurrent cloth famine, cloth merchants were targeted. And of course, the authorities were wary of food stocks being ransacked, so the civil supplies department was heavily guarded. Given this data, Das’ dismissal of the riot having an economic component falls under heavy strain.
- See more at: http://www.epw.in/journal/2017/8/book-reviews/revisiting-our-narratives-great-calcutta-killings.html#sthash.1VAOCo0Y.dpuf


This communal single-mindedness that Das speaks of in the Great Calcutta Killings, Mukherjee shows, is simply not borne out by the historical record. Instead, the violence was chaotic and driven by a range of factors. First, the fact that British targets came under attack in the bedlam has fallen through the cracks in this rush to prise a communal angle from the violence. On Chowringhee, the Main Street of White Calcutta, several European shops and business were plundered, as was an Enfield motorcycle showroom on Park Street. The Statesman House, which housed the main newspaper of White Calcutta, also came under attack but was saved by prompt police action. In Dharamtolla, a Bata showroom, a Czech company, was similarly saved from the mob by the police.
Does widespread looting—of European and Indian targets—fit the mould of the crowds having a sense of “moral duty”? Again, here the looting has been explained in terms of Hindus looting Muslim shops and vice versa—a theory little backed up by data. In the chaos, very little of who attacked whom was actually recorded. Driven by a concurrent cloth famine, cloth merchants were targeted. And of course, the authorities were wary of food stocks being ransacked, so the civil supplies department was heavily guarded. Given this data, Das’ dismissal of the riot having an economic component falls under heavy strain.
- See more at: http://www.epw.in/journal/2017/8/book-reviews/revisiting-our-narratives-great-calcutta-killings.html#sthash.1VAOCo0Y.dpuf

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